Wednesday, May 23, 2007
Acceptance speech of Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi for 2007 Gwangju Human Rights Award
It is a great and revolutionary honour for me and my colleagues at the People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) to receive the Gwangju Prize for Human Rights for the fight for the dignity of the poor and “untouchables” of India. Further, as a co-recipient with Ms Irom Sharmila Chanu, an icon of resistance against the draconian state law of Armed Forces Special Powers Act, the honour is manifolds.
Greetings and thanks to May 18 memorial foundation for reorganization of most wretchedly treated people in the world, the Dalits of India, known once as ‘untouchables’. The silence imposed by draconian suppression sanctified by religious rituals of the Upper Caste was such that the outside world knew little about this colossal cruelty. Justice V.R.Krishna Iyer, former Judge, Supreme Court of India described the plight of the Dalits in the following words, I quote, ” Courts to them are alien, laws their enemy and human justice their despair.”
The caste system continues to determine political, social, and economic life of a billion people in South Asia. The caste system, straddling across the scrawny shoulders of the Untouchables, is like that Old man in Tolstoy’s story, who has all the sympathy for the poor bearer and would like to do anything but to get off his shoulder. The most significant aspect of caste is its ability to resurface without a trace of remorse on the part of the perpetrator. It is like that chemical addiction which once had makes you vulnerable to its guiles forever.
Modern India embarked on the road to freedom with a resolute face to deliver social justice along with dignity to its millions of ever enslaved, downtrodden, poor and Dalits. In 60 years little has changed. The atrocities against Dalits have taken more blatant and bizarre form and in some parts of my country, shaken the confidence in humanity in the fact that it has the ability to call itself Civilized! In the past, we are told, that if anyone from the lower caste breached the unwritten law of caste hierarchy, the person would be beaten up in public. Now the person will be shot dead and the village burnt down and the women raped. A bride groom daring to ride a horse during his marriage, an enterprising peasant digging a well in his land, or if, a boy falls in love with a girl – do you kill them. Yet, if they belong to the dalit caste they are killed. We still say that there is rule of law in India!Dalits have an appalling rate of literacy. When the national average touches 67%, among the dalits it is a mere 32%. And if at all you are a woman from that community, it is still less at 23%. Only 6% dalits own land. Most of them labour in someone else’ field or migrate to cities to lose their identity.
The fight for Dalit rights in India has had a chequered history. At every turn they have been betrayed and let down by their own and the political masters. Mainstream politics in India has only recently and reluctantly acknowledged the space for dalits. Till now the main thrust of political intervention has been in the shape of reservations in government posts without adequately making them empowered to get a rightful and dignified place in society.
There is considerable amount of conspiracy, nationwide by Hindu fascist forces, against the lower caste. This was evident from the nationwide spell of destruction of statues of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. It is an irony that he is the father of the Indian Constitution and also a dalit who fought his way in the caste ridden society. The destruction of Amebkar statue happened in several places in India. In one such incident, which happened in Piyari village of Uttar Pradesh, the people from the lower caste tried to fight against those who came to destroy the statue. To their surprise they found that among those who came to destroy the statue there were police officers. The people from the Dalit caste faced them with sticks and tried in vain to prevent the destruction. The result was that the local police registered a case and a counter case. One against those who came to destroy the statue and one against those who tried to prevent the destruction. Of course when the police registered the case, they conveniently avoided those from the police department. The case was filed in a local court. However, soon to the surprise of the upper caste they found that the judge was from a lower caste, which is a rarity. Without any notice to anyone involved in the case, the case was soon transferred to another court.
To transfer the case it needs to be done with the sanction of a superior court. So it means that the superior courts also in a way connived with the upper caste. Nothing better could be expected from a place where in the recent past, a District Judge, before occupying the chair used by his predecessor, who happened to be from a lower caste, conducted some religious ceremonies in court to purify the chair and washed the chair with the water from the river Ganga, which is believed to purify all the sins.
When a person from the upper caste commits a crime, whatever it may be, after trial the person who committed the crime is punished. However, when it comes to the lower caste the entire community is punished. The punishment is not by the court, but by members from the upper caste and the crime is not theft or murder. It could be anything from polluting the village well by draining water from it or washing in the pond thereby polluting the pond or even walking in the road while an upper caste was using the same road. The punishment is instant and often carried out by gangs of upper caste members by burning down the houses of the lower caste, beating the residents and often molesting or raping their women in public. In one such incident which happened in Narkati village of Kaimur Range of UP when a similar upper caste police raided the village a five year old girl cried out loud since she was afraid of strangers. Her name is Anjali. These people who saw her crying did not spare her. She was also beaten up by the policemen. A complaint was lodged with the NHRC. Indian People’s tribunal headed by Justice Sukumaran was appointed. But no action has yet been taken. There is no law and there is no rule of law for these people.
The current trend is to charge anyone and everyone alleging that the person is a Naxalite. Even children aged from 9 are charged with offences allegedly of having involved in Naxalite activity. This happens with the knowledge of the court. Currently the Ram Nagar juvenile court has ordered detention of nine such children.
Indian society still remains in a semi feudal and semi capitalistic mode of production relation. Caste system serves this mode perfectly. The pyramid of Indian society remains aloft on the shoulders of these millions of dalits who forego their human rights so that some people can say India is shining.
However two thousands and eight hundred years ago, lord Budha took up the challenge to end the caste system. In the modern times, Bhakti movement gave birth to Kabir, Raidas later Periyar, Savitri Bai Phule to Jyoti Ba Phule and recently Dr. Bhimrao Ambedker, who took the courage to shake it.
Lastly the movement of Marathwada is the base of Dalit movement in India, which consisted of feminist, socialist and progressive revolution; this caused mortal shocks to caste system, patriarchy, feudal Bramhinism.
On the other hand, from Marathwada itself, RSS germinated. The RSS chief organizer Guru Golwalker, who held Hitler in very high esteem, described India to be a purely Hindu Country and Muslims second class citizens.
The danger faced by the caste dictatorship created a new link in communal Hinduism fascism and imperialism. Till all progressive powers joined hand to crush Brahminism from its roots, till then Manu’s patriarchal dictatorship would persist and flourish. Although very little can be attained so quickly such time communal fascism not get crushed.
The typical danger is from Indian Hindu communal fascism to the entire globe is that every fifth person of the world is Indian.
PVCHR is fighting back the caste system of India through participatory activism through “local thinking and local-global action”. Now Dalit is un-censoring themselves and claiming their own voice in a sustained way, PVCHR has aimed at voicing the disgust of the silent millions not through the bayonet, but by reinstituting their faith in the system of democracy; by fighting continuously with the state to assert their rights.
Dalit associated with PVCHR ask,”We ask, "Is the earth alone?" Don't you have to go to the earthworm,busy making earth fertile, and ask before taking any important decision!Who knows if the ants are more concerned about the earth’s future than you?
I am worth an earthworm. For you I am only an ant to be crushed.
My human rights puny before your demon rights
We may be insignificant come on.Agreedyet our claim over the earth is no way less than yours.”
It is time to revive the far-sightedness, the vast imagination and great sensitivity of the people who are remembered on the May 18. It is time that we re-articulate their aspiration in global terms and it is time to grasp the possibilities of that moment. The folk-school spirit of the May 18 Gwangju uprising has become a light of hope to us.
The wind of unification that is blowing in Korea is taking place in this climate. It is with subdued excitement that we on the outside are watching.
I thank the May 18 Memorial Foundation in Gwangju for presenting me with the Gwangju Prize for Human Rights, which I humbly accept and which I am happy to announce will be used to spread the folk-school approach towards the promotion of human rights and democracy.
Thank you.
Monday, May 21, 2007
Gwangju Human Rights Award 2007 to Dr. Lenin and Ms. Irom Sharmila from India
India is one of Asia’s leading nations, boasting a brilliant civilization developed throughout its long history. However, its outdated social class system, the caste system, has long been indicated by the international community as one of the biggest obstacles to national development as well as the advancement of its citizens’ basic human rights, since this system still holds sway over the reality of the Indian society through a rigid set of religious practices, despite its prohibition by national law.
In addition, the military powers of India have become the focus of international attention. This concerns the Armed Forces Special Powers Act(AFSPA) enacted in 1958, which is operative at the time of a ‘suspected’ riot(s) in order to ‘maintain public order.’ As this law allows killing by shooting, entering and search of property, and arbitrary detention, etc., its abuse is currently spawning grave human rights violations in some parts of India. Still, the practical near-impossibility of indicting the abusive military person(s) concerned is a more serious problem.
The 2007 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Committee came to take a deep interest in the above two problems encountered by the Indian society today.
The caste system is composed mainly of 4 castes, and those who fall outside of this system altogether are often called the “untouchables.” As the fifth caste, the untouchables are living across the nation, accounting for around 15% of the total Indian population. Traditionally, they have been engaged in the hardest and most difficult jobs in the Indian society, bearing the brunt of rigid caste-based discrimination in terms of residence, occupation, etc. Although the caste system was banned under the Indian constitution 50 years ago, it persists throughout all aspects of the present-day Indian civil society, proving powerfully effective in some 80% of the total Indian provinces.
Lenin Raghuvanshi and the People’s Vigilance Committee On Human Rights, PVCHR) led by him, have put up vehement resistance against the caste system through various social activities, including the supporting of torture victims in 5 northern states with 50,000 members participating, and the operation of education centers in 45 viilages for the numerous number of local children. This organization has developed into a nationwide and worldwide network composed of legal experts, journalists, human rights advocacy groups, etc. Also, its leader has brought hope back to the minds of more than 3,500 bonded child laborers and those suffering human rights infringements prompted by the caste system, especially to the untouchables.
On November 2nd, 2000, the Indian military opened fire on its own citizens in the state of Manipur. This was one of the many such incidents following the enactment of the AFSPA. Since the incident in Manipur, Irom Sharmila, a resident of the tragic state, has refused to eat and drink anything in resistance to indiscriminate use of the AFSPA against civilians. The response of the Indian government to her resistance has been repetitively evasive: the government has arrested her on a charge of ‘attempted suicide’, force-fed her and then freed her under applicable law, but, up until now, has failed to provide any fundamental alternative to the law in question. In October 2006, Ms. Sharmila left Manipur for New Delhi, the capital of India, at the peril of her own life, to facilitate the accomplishment of the goal of her 6-year-long struggle, i.e. the abolishment of the AFSPA. However, her daring mission was brought to an abrupt halt when she was arrested by the New Delhi police on her second day in the city. Currently, she is in custody at Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital(RMH).
In recognition of their efforts to improve human rights in India, the 2007 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Selection Committee has selected Lenin Raghuvanshi and Irom Sharmila as co-recipients of the award. Regardless of the difference in the methods respectively employed, they both have fought for the same noble cause of the advancement of human rights and social justice, yet they still have a long way to go. The Gwangju Prize for Human Rights will provide boost in their further struggles. It can make the two awardees and their struggles known to a wider audience while offering them the strength and courage required to complete their journey towards their goals. We believe there lies the principal objective of the Gwangju Prize for Human Rights. In closing, the 2007 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Committee would like to send an encouraging message to all human rights activists around the world as well as this year’s co-awardees.
The 2007 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Committee
Committee Chairman: Lee, Hong-Gil
Chairman of the Board of Directors of the May 18 Memorial Foundation
Committee Members: Kim, Chil-Jun
Secretary General of the National Human Rights Commission,
Jeong, Ui-Yong
Korean National Assemblyman, Moon, Guk-Joo Executive Director of the Korea Democracy Foundation,
Cha, Sung-Hwan
Director of the Pusan Democratic Movement Memorial Association
The same could be found at http://eng.518.org/main.html?TM18MF=B04&bc_table=ENG_NOTICE&form_act=V&bnum=24&page=1
What is Gwangju Prize for Human Rights? Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Award 2007 The Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Award was established to celebrate the spirit of the May 18 Gwangju Uprising by recognizing both individuals, groups or institutions in Korea and abroad that have contributed in promoting and advancing human rights, democracy and peace in their work. The prize is awarded by the citizens of Gwangju in the spirit of solidarity and gratitude from those whom they have received help in their struggle for democratization and search for truth. It is hoped that through this award the spirit and message of the May 18 will be immortalized in the hearts and mind of humankind. The previous winner of Gwangju Prize for Human Rights are: 1) 2000 : Xanana Gusmao (President of East Timor) 2) 2001 : Basil Fernando (Executive Director of AHRC, Hong Kong) 3) 2002 : Korean Association of Bereaved Families for Democracy (South Korea) 4) 2003 : Dandeniya Gamage Jayanthi (Monument for The Disappeared, Sri Lanka) 5) 2004 : Aung San Suu Kyi (NLD General Secretary, Burma) 6) 2005 : Wardah Hafidz (UPC General Secretary, Indonesia) 7) 2006 : Angkhana Neelaphaijit (Thailand) and Malalai Joya (Member of Parliament, Afghanistan) The Gwangju Prize for Human Rights Award was established to mark the spirit of the Gwangju Uprising May 18, 1980. Over 200 people were killed - going by official figures - when the people in that South Korean city rebelled against military rule and demanded establishment of democracy. The rebellion was violently suppressed by the then South Korean president Chun Doo-hwan, who was also the country's army general.
After Chun Doo-hwan's reign ended in 1988, the incident was officially recognized as an effort to restore democracy after military rule.
Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar is among past winners of this award.
To read more about Gwangju Prize for Human Rights 2007, please cut and paste the link below: http://eng.518.org/main.html?TM18MF=B04&bc_table=ENG_NOTICE&form_act=V&bnum=22&page=1#none
Web linkage about Lenin and PVCHR
http://www.ndtvblogs.com/views/viewblogs.asp?gl_guid=&blogname=pvchr&q_userid=11488
http://www.upelectionwatch.blogspot.com/
http://www.infochangeindia.org/changemakers14.jsp
http://www.universalrights.net/heroes/display.php3?id=101
www.pvchr.blogspot.com
www.antiwto.blogspot.com
www.sapf.blogspot.com
www.rtfcup.blogspt.com
http://www.thesouthasian.org/archives/2007/threat_to_life_of_advocate_for_1.html
http://www.ashoka.org/node/2851
http://www.rmaf.org.ph/Interactive-Awardee/transcripts/ts-davide.htm
http://www.theindiancatholic.com/newsread.asp?nid=2632
http://www.thesouthasian.org/archives/2006/we_beat_our_children_to_sleep.html
http://www.fian.org/live/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=234&Itemid=50
http://trishna.foodjustice.net/mainfile.php/011718/104/
http://southasia.oneworld.net/article/view/137977/1/2229
http://www.perditahustonaward.com/nominations/2006_finalists.html
http://www.global-sisterhood-network.org/content/view/784/76/
http://floatingsun.net/udai/files/Varanasi_Weavers_Crisis.pdf
www.pvchr.org
http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20061206/cth1.htm
http://www.thaingo.org/cgi-bin/content/content3/show.pl?0733
http://www.global-sisterhood-network.org/content/view/638/76/
http://s1.iphide.com/perl/nph-a.pl/000110A/http/www.thesouthasian.org/archives/cat_governance.html
http://www.rghr.net/mainfile.php/0842/1185/
http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Industries-envirn-resettlement/2002/kiln.htm
http://www.freeindiamedia.com/human_rights/16_march_human_rights2.htm
http://www.hrea.org/lists/hr-headlines/markup/msg02945.html
http://groups.google.com/group/greenyouth/msg/8e725294957979c3
http://india.indymedia.org/en/2003/03/3929.shtml
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/8400021.cms
http://www.craftrevival.org/Varanasi/Discussion/Lenin1.htm
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1727/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1545/
http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2006statements/690/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1884/
http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2006statements/840/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1209/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1221/
http://www.ahrchk.net/pr/mainfile.php/2006mr/359/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2007/2205/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/2075/?print=yes
http://www.infochangeindia.org/agenda6_03.jsp
http://www.thepetitionsite.com/takeaction/930408838?ltl=1173954245
http://www.laborrights.org/press/sweatshops/indiaweaving_dpa_120705.htm
http://www.rghr.net/mainfile.php/0840/1179/?print=yes
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1203/?print=yes
http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2006statements/817/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ahrc-in-news/mainfile.php/2006ahrcinnews/596/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/2280/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1270/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1553/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1727/?print=yes
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2007/2255/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/2075/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1421/?print=yes
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1564/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2007/2187/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1481/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2004/800/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1459/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1438/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1252/
http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2007statements/901/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1717/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/2086/
www.webspawner.com/users/pvchr
www.pucl.org/Topics/Human-rights/2002/hr-defenders.htm
www.pucl.org/Topics/ Industries-envirn-resettlement/2002/kiln.htm
www.ashoka.org/fellows/viewprofile3.cfm?reid=96985
www.southasia.oneworld.net/article/view/72270/1/1809
www.foodjustice.net/ha/mainfile.php/ha2004/32
www.sabrang.com/news/oct5.htm
www.thesouthasian.org/archives/000271.html
www.ased.org/artman/publish/printer_678.shtml
india.indymedia.org/en/2003/03/3929.shtml
www.changemakers.net/pointofview/pov3.cfm
www.dailynews.lk/2004/06/21/letters.html
trishna.foodjustice.net/mainfile.php/0106/32/
www.infochangeindia.org/changemakers.jsp
www.hrw.org/reports/2003/india/India0103-02.htm
www.indianngos.com/issue/child/ overall/people/uttarpradesh/ngosvaranasi.htm
www.un.or.th/ohchr/SR/News/2005/ DailyNewsBulletin/6/10%20June%202005.doc
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1533/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/1561/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2006/2128/
http://www.ahrchk.net/statements/mainfile.php/2005statements/351/
cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=234195 - 41k - 30 Apr 2007
http://www.asianews.it/index.php?l=it&art=9183&size=A
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0705/S00177.htm
http://www.centralchronicle.com/20070509/0905305.htm
http://518solidarity.blogspot.com/2007_05_01_archive.html
http://theseoultimes.com/ST/db/read.php?idx=5301
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http://www.southasia.fnst.org/webcom/show_article.php/_c-998/_nr-150/_p-1/i.html?PHPSESSID=2aa5cd9351ec945bb1491aecb64cd4e8
Thursday, April 26, 2007
Comment of Diana Barrett,USA
Monday, April 16, 2007
Politics for Marginalized:UP Election Watch
Dear Friends,
Wishing you a very happy birth day celebration of Baba Saheb Ambedkar .The beacon of the voiceless and marginalized inspires us to follow in his foot steps.
The political discourse of our country today has been changed by an alternative voice which represents the marginalized. It is matter of time when this discourse will ring the bell of emancipation of millions. And change the languages of politics .Intervention of hundreds of civil society organizations in changing the rules of electoral politics encourages us to carry on the struggle.
With warm regards,
PVCHR
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1221/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1209/
http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/mainfile.php/2005/1421/
Summary Note
UP Election Watch 2007
1st Phase Data
ADR PVCHR
UP Election Watch is a non-partisan body of citizens engaged in creating avenues of better participation of citizens in the Governance process. We believe that by exercising an informed choice the voters/citizens can create a momentum for an accountable and response system.
The UPEW, along with 200 CBOs/NGOs created a network of citizens across the state for this purpose.
The process has been initiated in the state by Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) which is engaged in strengthening democracy in the country through political and electoral reforms.
A high level committee of concerned eminent citizens of UP has been formed to lead this process. This committee is convened by Sri I.C. Dwivedi, Retd DGP.
People's Vigilance committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) has become the coordinating body of the whole process. PVCHR has been involved with the cause of hunger, malnutrition, education, health and governance for the most marginalized and voiceless section of Indian society.
Many civil society organizations are part of the UPEW. For the constituencies that are going to the polls in the first phase of UP assembly elections, the contribution of network partners like Apada Niwaran Manch, Parmarth samaj santhan, Pahuj Vikas manch are worth a mention. Without the relentless efforts of such network partners' collection of affidavits would have been impossible.
Following the Supreme Court judgment on candidate's disclosure, it was the responsibility of the Civil Society to see that clean and responsive candidates are elected. Such a task could not be left to the political parties who across the board put up candidates with pending criminal records and are themselves non-transparent in financial and internal functioning matter.
UPEW collected affidavits of 785 candidates contesting in the 62 assembly seats that are going to the polls in first phase.
•131 candidates had pending criminal cases against them
•Among the major political parties BSP led the pack with 22/62 ( 35.48%) closely followed by SP 19/61(31.15%), BJP 16/54 (29.63%) and INC 15/62 (24.20%).
• 32 seats in the first phase were earlier (2002) occupied by people with serious criminal charges. This time round 11 of them have not mentioned any criminal cases pending against them. According to the UP Government website all of them have pending cases.
•There are seven constituencies which have more that five candidates with pending cases. This are Jasrana,Hamirpur, Firozabad,Lalitpur,Agara Cantt, Kanpur and Aliganj.
•509 (64.84%) candidates did not have PAN. Among political parties INC led with 35.48%, BSP 32.25%, SP 31.14% and BJP 24.07 %.
•There were 74 candidates who declared assets worth more than Rupees one crore. SP led the team with 17 such candidates followed by BSP 14, BJP 14, and INC 11.
•The average assets of a SP candidate were 87.23 lacs, BJP 79.32 lacs, INC 58.88 Lacs and BSP 55.00Lacs.
• Among the top ten candidates with high liabilities one INC candidate with 30 lacs loan did not even posses PAN.
Summary Note
UP Election Watch,2nd phase
The second phase of UP Assembly Elections 2007 covers 58 constituencies of the western part of the state. The 10 districts in which these 58 constituencies (14.39% of total number of constituencies) fall have a total population of 2,43,53,559 (14.62% of the state’s total population) according to the 2001 census. The most populous constituency in the state, Ghaziabad (const # 373), with an estimated electorate of 7.61 lakhs, goes to polls in this phase. There were 862 candidates in the fray in phase II, with 384 Independents, 179 belonging to minor political parties and 279 belonging to major political parties. The average number of candidates contesting per constituency is 14.86, much higher than the average for the 2002 Assembly and 2004 Parliamentary elections in the state. The UP election watch took into consideration 792 candidates leaving out some independents whose affidavits were either blank or badly scanned.
Summary of findings:
• There are 30 women candidates out of the 792 taken into account, merely 3.78%. BSP, a party headed by a woman, has not fielded a single woman as candidate in this phase.
The sex ratio in these 10 Districts are the worst in the country. In an era of demand for progressive legislation to secure women’s participation in governance, this is an unfortunate indicator.
• Out of 792 candidates, 102 have pending criminal cases against them.
• BSP leads the list of such candidates with 18 out of 58 (31.03%), followed by BJP, 14 out of 57 (24.56%), RLD, 11 out of 51 (22%), SP, 12 out of 56 (21.43%) and INC, 9 out of 57 (16.07%).
• If we consider the combined percentage of candidates fielded by main political parties, in phase 1 and 2, BSP leads the pack with 33.33%, followed by BJP—27.03%, SP—26.50%, and INC—20.17% This brings the overall percentage of such candidates fielded by main parties to 25.65%, that is, one in four candidates put up by major political parties has pending criminal cases against him/her.
• There are 14 candidates who were members of the previous Assembly and according to the affidavit submitted by the UP Home Secretary to the High Court, had pending criminal cases against them. Among the major parties BJP and BSP account for 3 each and RLD and SP for 2 each of such candidates. Apart from one BJP and one BSP candidate, the rest have stated figures in their current affidavits, which are different from the UP Govt.’s affidavit figures. There are 5 candidates in this list who have declared that they have no pending criminal cases, but according to the Govt affidavit have serious cases pending against them. RLD, SP, and BJP account for one each in this category.
• The top ten list of candidates, arranged according to number of cases, is headed by Amar Singh Yadav of BSP, contesting from Sikandra Rao (354), with 11 pending criminal cases. BSP has 4 candidates who have made it to this list.
• According to the Govt affidavit, Madan Bhaiya of RLD, contesting from Khekra (384) has 59 pending criminal cases against him, followed by Rajpal Singh Saini of BSP (Morna-391) with 26 cases and Ramvir Upadhyay (Hathras-352), of the same party with 12 pending cases.
• There are six constituencies, which have 4 or more candidates with pending criminal cases. These are, Gangari (355) 6, Sikandarabad (370) 5, Mathura (347) 4, Hathras (352) 4, Morna (391) 4, and Thana Bhawan (396) 4. The high number of candidates with criminal cases pending constrains the Voter’s choice. But it is the voter who has to find a way out.
A note of caution for the voter. UP leads the list of parliamentarians with pending criminal cases (21 out of 80) in the country. UP also leads in the statistics of murder and violent crimes committed in the country in the past year. The 10 Districts going to polls in the second phase account for about 30% of such crimes with 14.62% of the state’s total population. During the assembly elections in 2002, there were 506 candidates in the fray, with pending criminal cases against them. Out of these, 206 became MLAs. This means 51.11% of the previous assembly members, that is, every second member in that house, had pending criminal cases against him or her.
• There are 126 candidates (15.91%) who have declared assets worth more than a crore.
• Among the major parties, BSP has 29/58(50%), RLD, 20/51(39.22%) BJP, 20/57(35.09%), SP, 19/56 (33.93%), and INC, 12/57 (21.05%) candidates who are Crorepatis.
• In the top ten list, arranged according to declared total wealth, 3 SP, 2 each from BSP and BJP, and one each from INC, RLD and BKD candidates make the cut.
• The average assets of a main party candidate has gone up sizably this time round. The list is topped by SP with an average declared asset worth Rs 1.64 Crores, followed by, BSP, Rs. 1.36 Crores, BJP, Rs.1.15 Crores, RLD, Rs. 1.12 Crores, and INC, Rs. 0.97 Crores.
The role of money power in the electoral arena is very distinct. This makes the contest uneven.
• The top ten list of high liabilities is headed by the INC candidate from Muzaffarnagar (392), Saiduzzaman. Interestingly, though his loans are more than Rs.2 crores, he does not possess PAN.
• In this phase the average liability of a party candidate makes interesting reading. Among the major political parties, INC heads the group with an average liability of Rs 9.44 lakhs, followed by SP, Rs 6.57 Lakhs, BJP, 6.45 Lakhs, RLD, 4.57 Lakhs, and BSP, Rs 4.57 lakhs.
• There are 509 candidates out of 792 (64.27%) who do not have PAN.
• Among the major political parties, RLD has 45.10% candidates, INC, 42.11%, BJP, 40.35%, SP, 37.50%, and BSP, 36.21% candidates who do not have PAN.
• Interestingly, when we look at the list of candidates who have declared assets worth more than a crore, we find that, 10 BSP candidates, 5 each from SP and RLD, 3 BJP, 2 INC and 1 Janmorcha candidate do not have PAN.
• Similarly, when we look at the list of candidates with high liabilities, 4 BSP, 2 each from BJP and INC, and 1 each from RLD and SP do not possess PAN.
• When we look at the educational; profile of candidates, we see that there is a marked increase among major political parties in putting up candidates who are highly educated. BJP leads the list with 68.42%, followed by INC, 59.65%, SP, 50%, and BSP, 44.83% candidates who are graduates and above.
• Similarly, there is a marked preference by main political parties for candidates who are younger. Almost 90% candidates belonging to main political parties are below 60 years of age. And the bulk belongs to the category between 41-60.
The UP Election Watch is a non-partisan civil society alliance for clean politics and accountable governance. Collection of affidavits, collation of information contained there in, and dissemination among voters of this information before the voting day are voluntary civil society efforts. This is intended to enable the voter to make an informed and responsible choice while casting their votes. It is to be remembered that in a democracy there is no position higher than that of the CITIZEN.
9 April 2007.
Summary Note
3rd phase
The third phase of UP Assembly Elections is taking place in 57 constituencies. UP Election Watch has taken into consideration 859 candidates. There are 273 candidates put up by major political parties, 231 by smaller parties and 355 candidates are independents.
Summary of findings:
• There are in all 50 women candidates (5.82%) in the fray in the third phase.
• There are 118 candidates who have pending criminal cases against them.
• Among the major political parties SP has 20 out of 56 (35.71%), BSP, 17 out of 57 (29.82%), BJP, 15 out of 51 (29.41%) INC, 13 out of 56 (23.21%) and RLD 9 out of 53 (16.98%) such candidates in the fray. There are 26 candidates with pending cases among the smaller political parties and 18 amongst the independents.
• There are 23 candidates who were members of the outgoing assembly and had pending criminal cases against them. Out of these 18 candidates have not mentioned about these cases in their current affidavits.
• There are 8 constituencies which have more than 4 candidates who have pending criminal cases against them. These are: Amroha (9) –6 candidates, Bareilly Cant (35) –6; Bilaspur (22)—5; Dadraul (49)—5; Moradabad (17) –5; Nawabganj (37)—4; Rampur (21)—4; Sunha (33) –4 candidates.
• There are 60 candidates who have declared assets worth more than Rs 1 Crore.
• SP leads the list with 14, BSP, 10, INC, 9, BJP,6 and RLD, 4. The INC candidate from Puranpur (const.44) is the richest with a declared asset of Rs. 374.80 Crores.
• Accordingly the average candidate asset list is led by INC for the third phase.
• There are 18 candidates who have more than Rs 4 lakhs liability but do not have PAN.
• There are 626 candidates out of 859 (72.88%) who do not have PAN. RLD leads the list with 67.92% of such candidates. Among the smaller parties 83.98% candidates have not given PAN. Among these LJP has 7 out of 8 (87.50%); IJP has 13 out of 15 (86.66%); Janmorchha , 11 out of 13 (84.61%), RJD, 10 out of 12 (83.33%); and Lokdal 13 out of 16 ( 81.25%).
• There are 4 candidates who have declared that they have NIL assets.
The UP Election Watch is a non-partisan civil society alliance for clean politics and accountable governance. Collection of affidavits, collation of information contained there in, and dissemination among voters of this information before the voting day are voluntary civil society efforts. This is intended to enable the voter to make an informed and responsible choice while casting their votes. It is to be remembered that in a democracy there is no position higher than that of the CITIZEN.
The data has been culled from the affidavits submitted by candidates along with their nomination papers. We have tried our best to be accurate and non-partisan in presenting the data. In case of doubt, please consult the Election Commission’s website, www.eci.gov.in .
DR. Lenin Bibhu Mohapatra
www.pvchr.org www.adrindia.org
www.pvchr.blogspot.com
14 April 2007
Friday, April 13, 2007
Mr. Kok Singh Tomar ,MP
Mr. Kok Singh Tomar, incharge of PVCHR in MP is very active.His team is working on child labor,torture and atrocities.But my visit is waiting my visit to MP and evaluation of team and work .
With warm regards,
Lenin
www.pvchr.org
Monday, April 09, 2007
UP Election Watch:Crime and politics
UP Election Watch
Embirgo:12:00 Noon,9April 2007
www.upelectionwatch.blogspot.com
ADR PVCHR
The second phase of UP Assembly Elections 2007 covers 58 constituencies of the western part of the state. The 10 districts in which these 58 constituencies (14.39% of total number of constituencies) fall have a total population of 2,43,53,559 (14.62% of the state’s total population) according to the 2001 census. The most populous constituency in the state, Ghaziabad (const # 373), with an estimated electorate of 7.61 lakhs, goes to polls in this phase. There were 862 candidates in the fray in phase II, with 384 Independents, 179 belonging to minor political parties and 279 belonging to major political parties. The average number of candidates contesting per constituency is 14.86, much higher than the average for the 2002 Assembly and 2004 Parliamentary elections in the state. The UP election watch took into consideration 792 candidates leaving out some independents whose affidavits were either blank or badly scanned.
Summary of findings:
There are 30 women candidates out of the 792 taken into account, merely 3.78%. BSP, a party headed by a woman, has not fielded a single woman as candidate in this phase.
The sex ratio in these 10 Districts are the worst in the country. In an era of demand for progressive legislation to secure women’s participation in governance, this is an unfortunate indicator.
Out of 792 candidates, 102 have pending criminal cases against them.
BSP leads the list of such candidates with 18 out of 58 (31.03%), followed by BJP, 14 out of 57 (24.56%), RLD, 11 out of 51 (22%), SP, 12 out of 56 (21.43%) and INC, 9 out of 57 (16.07%).
If we consider the combined percentage of candidates fielded by main political parties, in phase 1 and 2, BSP leads the pack with 33.33%, followed by BJP—27.03%, SP—26.50%, and INC—20.17% This brings the overall percentage of such candidates fielded by main parties to 25.65%, that is, one in four candidates put up by major political parties has pending criminal cases against him/her.
There are 14 candidates who were members of the previous Assembly and according to the affidavit submitted by the UP Home Secretary to the High Court, had pending criminal cases against them. Among the major parties BJP and BSP account for 3 each and RLD and SP for 2 each of such candidates. Apart from one BJP and one BSP candidate, the rest have stated figures in their current affidavits, which are different from the UP Govt.’s affidavit figures. There are 5 candidates in this list who have declared that they have no pending criminal cases, but according to the Govt affidavit have serious cases pending against them. RLD, SP, and BJP account for one each in this category.
The top ten list of candidates, arranged according to number of cases, is headed by Amar Singh Yadav of BSP, contesting from Sikandra Rao (354), with 11 pending criminal cases. BSP has 4 candidates who have made it to this list.
According to the Govt affidavit, Madan Bhaiya of RLD, contesting from Khekra (384) has 59 pending criminal cases against him, followed by Rajpal Singh Saini of BSP (Morna-391) with 26 cases and Ramvir Upadhyay (Hathras-352), of the same party with 12 pending cases.
There are six constituencies, which have 4 or more candidates with pending criminal cases. These are, Gangari (355) 6, Sikandarabad (370) 5, Mathura (347) 4, Hathras (352) 4, Morna (391) 4, and Thana Bhawan (396) 4. The high number of candidates with criminal cases pending constrains the Voter’s choice. But it is the voter who has to find a way out.
A note of caution for the voter. UP leads the list of parliamentarians with pending criminal cases (21 out of 80) in the country. UP also leads in the statistics of murder and violent crimes committed in the country in the past year. The 10 Districts going to polls in the second phase account for about 30% of such crimes with 14.62% of the state’s total population. During the assembly elections in 2002, there were 506 candidates in the fray, with pending criminal cases against them. Out of these, 206 became MLAs. This means 51.11% of the previous assembly members, that is, every second member in that house, had pending criminal cases against him or her.
There are 126 candidates (15.91%) who have declared assets worth more than a crore.
Among the major parties, BSP has 29/58(50%), RLD, 20/51(39.22%) BJP, 20/57(35.09%), SP, 19/56 (33.93%), and INC, 12/57 (21.05%) candidates who are Crorepatis.
In the top ten list, arranged according to declared total wealth, 3 SP, 2 each from BSP and BJP, and one each from INC, RLD and BKD candidates make the cut.
The average assets of a main party candidate has gone up sizably this time round. The list is topped by SP with an average declared asset worth Rs 1.64 Crores, followed by, BSP, Rs. 1.36 Crores, BJP, Rs.1.15 Crores, RLD, Rs. 1.12 Crores, and INC, Rs. 0.97 Crores.
The role of money power in the electoral arena is very distinct. This makes the contest uneven.
The top ten list of high liabilities is headed by the INC candidate from Muzaffarnagar (392), Saiduzzaman. Interestingly, though his loans are more than Rs.2 crores, he does not possess PAN.
In this phase the average liability of a party candidate makes interesting reading. Among the major political parties, INC heads the group with an average liability of Rs 9.44 lakhs, followed by SP, Rs 6.57 Lakhs, BJP, 6.45 Lakhs, RLD, 4.57 Lakhs, and BSP, Rs 4.57 lakhs.
There are 509 candidates out of 792 (64.27%) who do not have PAN.
Among the major political parties, RLD has 45.10% candidates, INC, 42.11%, BJP, 40.35%, SP, 37.50%, and BSP, 36.21% candidates who do not have PAN.
Interestingly, when we look at the list of candidates who have declared assets worth more than a crore, we find that, 10 BSP candidates, 5 each from SP and RLD, 3 BJP, 2 INC and 1 Janmorcha candidate do not have PAN.
Similarly, when we look at the list of candidates with high liabilities, 4 BSP, 2 each from BJP and INC, and 1 each from RLD and SP do not possess PAN.
When we look at the educational; profile of candidates, we see that there is a marked increase among major political parties in putting up candidates who are highly educated. BJP leads the list with 68.42%, followed by INC, 59.65%, SP, 50%, and BSP, 44.83% candidates who are graduates and above.
Similarly, there is a marked preference by main political parties for candidates who are younger. Almost 90% candidates belonging to main political parties are below 60 years of age. And the bulk belongs to the category between 41-60.
The UP Election Watch is a non-partisan civil society alliance for clean politics and accountable governance. Collection of affidavits, collation of information contained there in, and dissemination among voters of this information before the voting day are voluntary civil society efforts. This is intended to enable the voter to make an informed and responsible choice while casting their votes. It is to be remembered that in a democracy there is no position higher than that of the CITIZEN.
The UPEW, along with 200 CBOs/NGOs created a network of citizens across the state for this purpose.
The process has been initiated in the state by Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) which is engaged in strengthening democracy in the country through political and electoral reforms.
A high level committee of concerned eminent citizens of UP has been formed to lead this process. This committee is convened by Sri I.C. Dwivedi, Retd DGP.
People's Vigilance committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) has become the coordinating body of the whole process. PVCHR has been involved with the cause of hunger, malnutrition, education, health and governance for the most marginalized and voiceless section of Indian society.
The data has been culled from the affidavits submitted by candidates along with their nomination papers. We have tried our best to be accurate and non-partisan in presenting the data. In case of doubt, please consult the Election Commission’s website, www.eci.gov.in .
9 April 2007.
Saturday, March 10, 2007
Long Live 10 March
Greetings from Savitri Bai Phule Mahila Panchayat/Savitri bai Phule women forum (SWF).
SWF is celebrating the 10 March: Indian women Liberation Day which is on the occasion of death anniversary of our great leader Savitri bai Phule. We attached on main stream women movement that why are historian and feministic movement forgetting the contribution of Dalit women leaders and population. We are happy that many group are celebrating this day in Uttar Pradesh .
SWF is organizing the marches in Harahuwa and Badagaon block of Varanasi and Robertsganj block of Sonbhadra, where we are putting the issue of Dalit women in political election arena and we are opposing the criminalization of politics in UP under the UP election watch initiative of Association for democratic reform (ADR). We are asking to all political parties that do not give the seat as candidate in assembly election to criminal background people. We also asked to political parties that put the agenda of 33% reservation to Women in assembly and parliament along with special quota for Dalit, Backwards and minority women of India.
Please you will support our voice.
Long Live savitri bai Phule … Long Live struggle of Dalit women
Long Live 10 march
With revolutionary regards,
Shruti, Shanti, Anupam, Shushila, Kalawati, Geeta, Tara
10 March 2007
http://pvchr.blogspot.com/2006/05/first-conference-of-savitri-bi-phule.html
First conference of Savitri Bi Phule Mahila Panchayat
Friends,Not only in India but in whole world condition of women is becoming bad to worse. Violence against them is increasing. Women are the most affected at the time of war as well as peace. Their life and dignity is not secured inside or outside of home. Everywhere greedy eyes are at set to exploit the women’s body and soul. Women have no independent entity in this society. They are like an easy prey, which can be consumed easily.Women face violence and torture from their birth. They do not have life of dignity and honor as a human being. There is no doubt that our society has been driven by the Manuist tradition based on patriarchal supremacy and exploitation.If one looks at the conditions of Dalit women, he will get upset deeply. Where women belonging to caste Hindus community face two fold exploitation the women belonging to Dalit community face three fold exploitation due to Brahamanical and patriarchal dominated policies which are following-1. Caused by castist discrimination. 2. Caused by patriarchal values. 3. Caused by poverty.The exploitation and torture of Dalit women often of such nature and so inhuman that an outsider unknown to the caste system could hardly imagine it. Sometimes they are made forced to walk naked and sometimes they are brutally killed. This is the very reason why women tortured by such a cruel and inhuman way become forced to adapt the path of Phulan Devi. On the vulnerable condition of women neither media is sensitive nor the so called intellectuals. Analyzing the conditions of Dalit women exclusively, we have decided that on the question of torture of Dalit women and for their liberation, it needs comprehensive, deep and wide campaign. We talked with some like-minded people and groups and reached to a common understanding, which came forth in the shape of Savitri Bi Phule Mahila Panchayat. This conference is being organized to sensitize the people of each community against the violence and torture of Dalit women. In India, population of Dalit community is nearly up to 16 crore 70 lakh and population of Dalit women is nearly 8 crore, which is 47.06% of total Dalit population. It means population of Dalit women is nearly 16.3 percent of total Indian population. Each 12th woman can be identified as Dalit woman. Today 89.5 percent Dalit women are living under acute poverty in spite of the fact that these dalit women are contributing a lot in national production as an important and huge source of labour force. They are involved in agricultural production and non-agricultural production. Among them 94 percent Dalit women are made forced to work at a low wages under unorganized sector, it is ironical that such a big labour force, which is playing so important role in the national production, are totally deprived of their human Rights.In their 4th annual report, national commission on Sc/St has reported that yearly 25,000 women are facing torture and violence caused by castist discrimination. But actually such type of complains against Dalit women are far more. There, a comprehensive study was conducted on 500 victim women belonging to Dalit community taken from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh and Pandicheri. In this study different forms of violence against women are detected, as for example Physical assault, verbal abuse, sexual exploitation, rape, abduction, forced prostitution, murder etc. which are inflicted by the men belonging to caste Hindus. Apart from that there are some more form of violence are reserved only for Dalit women as misbehave, verbal filthy abuse, sex violence, force to walk naked, Dalit women are forced to throw urine on their own face, they are tortured by taking their teeth and nail out, to cut the breast off, to pour the petrol in their vagina are commonly occurred. Women frequently face violence and torture in their life but due to weakness of judiciary and predominant patriarchal mentality perpetrators easily escape out of the hands of rule of law. All studies and research work indicate that even not 1 percent perpetrator has been convicted in the matter of violence on women. In such a condition how can one hope to get justice for the women?There has been important contribution of Dalit woman in the social development of India and its history. It is ironical that this manuist society never accepted the contribution of Dalit women in Indian society. It can be said that all literature and history is nothing but documents of so called heroic saga of patriarchal greed and Brahamanical values because there has not been mentioned the contribution of Dalit women. These reactionary historians have intentionally forgot the heroic role of Jhalkari Bai in the struggle of Indian national independence. They never remember revolutionary role of Savitry Bai Phule who dared to open school for girls first time. They exploited dalit women by making forced them to adapt the life of a prostitute as Devadasi in the name of religion and god. But when an upper caste Hindu forcefully make sexual relation with a dalit women then how she becomes touchable it is a mystery. They forget that when hands of labors unite they can throw the reign of terror away. Our supporters and we Dalit women declare that now it would not happen. We will hit hard to abolish the Brahanical and patriarchal tyrannies. Our struggle is not against the men but against those traditional reactionary ideas and system, which creates mentality to enslave the women. Our struggle is in the support of all those voiceless communities, classes who are grinding under imperialism, manuistic and patriarchal system. Friends what might be done in such a situation without raising the question of liberation of Dalit women? Whether we can talk about the liberation of women as a whole. It is not possible to think of a batter society without solving the problems of Dalit women. Struggle of dalit women is a symbol of struggle of social honour and to have an independent recognition as a human being. There should be ensured social security by giving them employment. So we call for all these progressive forces working for the upliftment of the whole society to come forward and to join the struggle against the exploitative system based on patriarchal supremacy. A better world and better society can only be constructed by our collective effort and struggle.Taking this into the view Shruti formed Savitri Bai Phule mahila panchayat in 2002 and Seema, kalawati, and durga joined her. Now it has taken the shape of an organization by carring out continuous of struggle. On 10th march which is death anniversary of Savitry bai phule, Savitri mahila panchayat has decided to celebrate this day as national women liberation day and has clarified that untill women belonging to upper caste hindus do not come out of Varna system and until the question of dalit women would not be in the centre of Indian womens movement there is no meaning of celebration of national women’s day.On 10th march 2006 a meeting of savitri bai phule mahila panchayat was held at saint Kabir Janmitra Kendra in village Belawa and in the meeting it was decided-To organize its first conference to form Savitri Bai Phule mahila panchayat and for which a central core team was formed by taking Shanti (Baghawanala), Sushila, Manshila and Asha from Shivram pur, Nageena (Kuar), Shakuntala (Fattepur) Bhagwati (Baghawanala), Samdei, Bhagawani (Belwa), Parvati (Ayear), Munni Devi (Bhatauli) Anupam (City) along with Shruti. At the same day women raised the question of disparity between the wages of women and men, domestic violence, caste based violence and not to give ownership to women in the family land property and in the common property of village level they made following demands - Women should be identified and recognised as distinct social group: To abolish untouchability, to give recognition and honour to Dalit women, to formulize explicit principles. To give employment and education to Dalit women.Dalit women, working in unorganized sector should be given social security. Compulsory punishment for those who commit offense against women.-BY Shruti, Founder:Savitri Bai Phule Women Forum
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