Tuesday, September 29, 2020

Two Dalit rights activists nominated to “21st Century Heroes of India” – Matters India

Two Dalit rights activists nominated to “21st Century Heroes of India” – Matters India



By Matters India Reporter
Varanasi: Two Dalit rights activists from Varanasi, Utter Pradesh, among others, have been nominated to “21st Century Heroes of India” from the perspective of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity and other Indian Constitutional Values.
Pippa Rann Books & Media, based in the United Kingdom, September 27 announced that Lenin Raghuvanshi and Shruti Nagvanshi, the two cofounders of the People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), have been listed.
PVCHR is a Varanasi-based NGO that works for the rights of Dalits for the last 25 years.
“I am happy to see my name in a club of veterans like Arundhati Roy, Swami Agnivesh and John Dayal along with an icon of hope Ms. Bilkis. I am earthworm to the fertile land of India for realization of universal values,” Nagvanshi told Matters India.
Upon receiving the news, Raghuvanshi said, “It creates more accountable for hard work for the elimination of fascism from South Asia. It is honour of values of pluralism, diversity and inclusiveness which are guaranteed by the Indian Constitution.”
Informing the news to both, Prabhu Guptara, board consultant, poet and publisher of Pippa Rann Books & Media, wrote in an email, “It is my honour to inform you [Raghuvanshi and Nagvanshi] that you are listed in the “Heroes of the 21st Century” at www.pipparannbooks.com.”
“With huge admiration and thanks for your enormous contributions over the decades to our nation,” said retired Professor Guptara, Cambridge, UK.
Raghuvanshi and Nagvanshi are among 77 other personalities who have made a marked difference and contribution to society and the common good.
Another person listed is John Dayal, one of India’s foremost human rights activists, a former member of the National Integration Council, and a co-founder and former Secretary-General of the All India Christian Council.
In a career spanning over half a century, Dayal has been sub-editor, crime reporter, war correspondent, foreign correspondent, CEO, editor in chief, media professor, analyst, author of celebrated books, film critic and documentary filmmaker.
When asked for his comments on his name inclusion into the list, Dayal told Matters India, “I am honoured to be in this distinguished company, even if I feel I do not deserve it.”
Explaining the further, he said that the 21st century is but two decades old, but the count begins with the dawn of Independence. Gandhi and the freedom fighters, Ambedkar and the Constitution makers, Homi Bhabha and Vikram Sarabhai and the doyens of science were the icons of the new India till the Emergency of 1975.
Post Emergency till the COVID-19 lockdown, the icons are seeking freedom of the mind, of conscience. The real icons of his struggle are dead, murdered by the forces they had challenged. The survivors are those who fight but are perhaps not seen as really of the caliber of those they killed, he said.
“But still, people like Arundhati, the Sen couple serving with the Tribals, Bunker and Aruna, Dilip Simeon – and I will include Prof Shamsul Islam in the list -, and the several Muslims who have become symbolic of the CAA-NCR Shaheen Bagh, JNU and AMU struggles are my heroes,” Dayal said.
“As are Tribals like Sori and Dalits such as Kanshi Ram fighting for dignity and rights. Their fearlessness, their courage and their voice will yet save the Constitution. I am averse to speaking for myself. It is for the people to say,” he added.
The “Heroes of the 21st Century” is a running list or overall list (https://pipparannbooks.com/21st-century-heroes-of-freedom-and-other-indian-constitutional-values/)
“We will add new people as appropriate but not take any away – a hero is a hero for all-time,” Guptara told Matters India.
The background to the list is that India seems to be locked in a battle between regressive forces that would like to subvert and replace the values of the Constitution to take people into a future that will be bad for most people in the country but good for tiny elite – as one can already see, he explained.
“The list is meant to honour those who have been eminent in the struggle for taking forward the values of the Constitution – irrespective of their sphere of work, their religion (or lack of it), their political viewpoint (if they have one), or which region or city they come from,” said Guptara.
The list is an open one – in the sense that anyone else can suggest anyone who one thinks deserves inclusion but is not included here; equally, one can write and question the inclusion of anyone who is on the list, he said.
“Such a list of Heroes of our Constitution did not exist, so we felt we ought to create one,” he added.
It was launched with the start of the imprint, Pippa Rann Books, on August 1.
Explaining the method or process of listing people into the list, Guptara said, “People come to our attention or are brought to our attention, and there is a simple assessment of what their contribution is or has been. If we feel it has been significant enough, we include them.”
“At present, we are probably being too inclusive, but we feel that it is better to recognize what people have done rather than leave them out if their contribution is at least on the border of being eminent,” he added.
Pippa Rann Books & Media is an imprint of Salt Desert Media Group Limited, which was founded in 2019. It is a member of the Independent Publishers Guild, and is dedicated to publishing material, in print as well as in other media, which nurtures humane values around the world.
Guptara started Pippa Rann Books & Media in memory of his wife, Philippa Mary Guptara (nee Rann), and out of his retirement savings, to focus entirely and exclusively on nurturing the values of democracy, liberty, equality and fraternity among Indians – as well as among others who love India.
It publishes a variety of books. Its first book was stomach-achingly funny political satire, “PolyTicks, DeMocKrazy & Mumbo Jumbo: Babus, Mantris & Netas (Un)Making Our Nation.”
Its second book, “Seeking God, Seeking Moksha: The Teachings of Shri Krishna and Jesus Christ” is unique in that it puts the two teachings on parallel pages, organised by topic, in numbered points, so that one can see the similarities for oneself.
In general, it publishes books and media by authors of Indian origin, on any subject that serves the purpose mentioned above – broadly interpreted.
Books and media by authors of non-Indian origin, on any subject connected with India or with the Indian diaspora, which serves the purpose mentioned above – again, broadly interpreted.

Sunday, September 27, 2020

Our Co-Founder profiled as Worldly Thinkers by Dutch broadcaster

The Dutch broadcaster Brainwash initiated a new online video series Worldly Thinkers. Brainwash is a public service broadcaster for which world famous speakers like Michael Sandel, Louis Theroux and Martha Nussbaum, gave original and inspiring talks. In Worldly Thinkers, thinkers around the world think about and respond to different appealing and urgent theses in seven different episodes, each episode is about 4-5 minutes.  Lenin Raghuvanshi profiled one of Worldly Thinkers on the issue of Pluralism.

Congrats Lenin Raghuvanshi and we are proud that you are Co-Founder of #PVCHR

https://www.human.nl/brainwash/wereldse-denkers.html

https://www.human.nl/speel~WO_HUMAN_16288804~zonder-wij-zij-denken-kan-een-samenleving-niet-functioneren-wereldse-denkers~.html

Lenin Raghuvanshi, India - Call for a Global Democracy

Wednesday, September 23, 2020

Compensation in the case of custodial death

 The honorable commission in case no 19039/24/22/2013-AD gave following order


This case pertains to custodial death of UTP Balveer (25 years of age) on 17.5.2013 under the judicial custody of District Jail, Etah. This case was registered on intimation from the District Jail, Etah, UP.

Pursuant to the directions of the Commission, Joint Secretary, Govt. of U.P. vide communication dated 29.07.2019 has informed that a sum of Rs. Three Lakhs has been paid to the NoK of the deceased Balveer on 25.06.2019 proof of payment has also been sent along with the report.

In view of compliance of recommendation of the Commission, the case is closed along with the linked file, if any.

The Video Cassette/CD of autopsy, if any, be sent back to the concerned authority.

Complain filed by Lenin Raghuvanshi, Founder and CEO of PVCHR 






#Custodialdeath #PVCHR #U4HumanRights #Standwithsurvivors #HumanRights #NHRC


Thursday, September 17, 2020

'मेरा कसूर क्या था की मुझे पुलिस वालो ने जेल भेज दिया': अब्दुल जब्बार उर्फ़ नसुरुद्दीन

 


मेरा नाम अब्दुल जब्बार उर्फ़ नसुरुद्दीन उम्र-26 वर्ष है| मेरे पिता का नाम हबीबउल्ला है| मेरी माता का नाम-जायदा बीबी है| मै बजरडीहा रजानगर थाना - भेलूपुर जिला - वाराणसी का निवासी हूँ| अभी मै अविवाहित हूँ| मै अपने परिवार के लोगो के साथ बिनकारी का कार्य करता हूँ| मै मुसलमान और अंसारी बिरादरी से तालुख रखता हूँ| हम लोग 5 भाई 3 बहन है| पहले भाई का नाम अब्दुल सप्तार उम्र- 40 वर्ष, दुसरे भाई का नाम-अब्द्दुल जफ्फार उम्र- 35 वर्ष, तीसरे भाई का नाम –मो० बेलाल उम्र- 22 वर्ष, चौथे भाई का नाम –मो० नेहाल उम्र- 20 वर्ष है|

फर्जी केस में फ़साना और पुलिस लॉक अप में यातना :

21 दिसम्बर 2019 दिन शनिवार को मै अपने घर में परिवार के बाकी लोगो के साथ सो रहा था| अचानक धम –धम दरवाजे पीटने की आवाज आने लगी, तभी मेरे अब्बू जी उठकर आवाज लगाये की कौन दरवाजा कौन पिट रहा है? दूसरी तरफ़ से माँ- बहन की गाली देते हुए आवाज़ आई, खोल दरवाजा नही तो तोड़ देंगे| जैसे ही अब्बू दरवाज़ा खोलने पहुँचे वैसे ही दरवाज़ा तोड़ते हुए धडधडा कर पुलिस घर में घुसने गयी| करीब 20 पुलिसकरवाले थे जिसमे कुछ सादे कपड़े और कुछ वर्दी में घुस कर घर की तलाशी लेने लगे| इतनी पुलिस देकर हम लोग सहम गए थे| हिम्मत करके मेरे अब्बू पूछे कि हम लोगो से कौन सा जुर्म हो गया है कि आप इतनी रात को मेरे घर आये है? इतने में एक पुलिसकर्मी बोला कि तुम्हारे बेटे को आन्दोलन करने का बहुत शौक चढा है| अब हम लोग उसको दिखाएँगे कि आन्दोलन कैसा होता है| यही कहते हुए पुलिसकर्मी मेरे भाई अब्दुल गफ्फार के कमरे में घुस गए|

कमरे में मेरे भाई (अब्दुल गफ्फार) और भाभी (रेशमा बानो) के साथ सो रहे थे| पुलिस वाले बोले कि कम्बल हटाओ हम मुहँ देखेंगे| जब भाई ने कम्बल हटाया तो पुलिस वाले उनको जबरजस्ती खीचते हुए बाहर ले गये| उस भाई घबराकर पूछा साहब मेरा क्या कसूर है? पुलिस वाले बोले चलो चौराहे पर बताते है कि तुम्हारा कसूर क्या है| बोले चौराहे चलो तुम्हे बताते है| इतना कहते हुए भाई को पुलिस ले गयी| हम सभी लोग बाहर बैठकर उनके आने का इंतज़ार करने लगे| मन में कई तरह का ख्याल आ रहा था| काफ़ी देर बाद भाई घर वापस आये घर पहुँचते हुए सभी लोगो पूछ रहे थे कि किस आन्दोलन की पुलिस वाले बात कर रहे थे? तुम इतना परेशान क्यों दिख रहे हो? सब खैरियत तो है| मेरे भाई सिर्फ इतना कहकर कमरे में चले गए कि परेशान होने की जरूरत नही है सब ठीक हो जायेगा| उनके पीछे – पीछे हम लोग भी घर में चले गए|

अगले दिन 22 दिसम्बर. 2019 की सुबह मै अपने भाई (अब्दुल गफ्फार) के ससुर हाजी हारून साहब पर था| हाज़ी साहब के घर दिलशाद खान सिपाही आये| उस वक़्त हाज़ी साहब घर पर ही थे उन्होंने दिलशाद सिपाही को बैठकर नाश्ता – पानी मंगवाया| नाश्ता करने के बाद हाज़ी साहब मुझको बुलाकर बोले कि तुम दिलशाद सिपाही के साथ चले जाओ| दिलशाद सिपाही मुझसे कह रहे थे कि तुमको कोई मारेगा नहीं हम लोग है न तुम्हारे साथ|

सिपाही के साथ जाने की बात सुनकर मुझे अन्दर से बहुत डर लग रहा था और रात में पुलिस द्वारा बदसलूकी का मंजर मेरे आँखों के सामने चलने लगा| मुझे हाज़ी साहब और दिलशाद सिपाही के बात पर रत्ती भर भी यकीन नहीं हुआ है| लेकिन उस वक़्त मेरे पास सिपाही के साथ जाने के अलावा कोई रास्ता नहीं दिख रहा था| मन में उधेड़ बुन करते हुए हम भेलूपुर थाना पहुँच गए| थेन में शांत होकर मै एक तरफ़ खड़ा हो गया| दिलशाद खान सिपाही ने थाने में मौजूद सिपाही से बोला कि इसको मारना नही अजय प्रताप दरोगा भेजे है| लेकिन किसी ने दिलशाद खान सिपाही के बातो का कोई महत्व नही दिया| जब दिलशाद खान सिपाही सबको समझा कर चले गये|

 थोड़ी देर बाद दूसरे दरोगा आये बोले की मेरे पाले में जो पड़ता है मै उसको बिना प्रसाद दिये जाने नही देता हूँ| इतना कहकर दरोगा साहब ने मोटी पाईप हाँथ में लेकर मुझे मारते हुए बोल रहे थे कि आन्दोलन में जाकर हिंसा फैलाते हो| अब तुमको जेल भेजेगे तब देखते है कि कैसे तुम हिंसा फैलाते हो? मै हाँथ जोडकर गिडगिडा रहा था कि साहब मुझे किसी आन्दोलन में नहीं गया और न ही मुझे #CAA और #NRC के बारे में मालूम है| इतना सुनते ही दरोगा साहब भडक गये और बोले कि अभी तुमको इसका मतलब नही पता है, जब जेल जाओगे तो सब पता चल जायेगा| वहां तुमको आन्दोलन का मजा भी आएगा|

मेडिकल कराने में भ्रस्टाचार एवं भेदभाव:  

मुझे मारने के बाद बगल के सरकारी हास्पिटल में मेरा मेडिकल कराया गया| दरोगा साहब, डाक्टर से बोले की मेडिकल में बना दो की उपद्रवियों को भगदड़ में भागने में हल्की फ़ुल्की चोट आयी|  जबकि पुलिस द्वारा पिटाई से जो चोट लगी थे उसको हल्की फ़ुल्की चोट में बदलकर दिखाया गया| जब मेडिकल बन गया तो 5 बजे के लगभग चालान करके जेल भेज दिया गया|

वाराणसी के जिला जेल में यातना और भ्रस्टाचार: 

जेल जाते वक़्त मै पुलिस की पिटाई से लगी चोट को भूल गया| सिर्फ यही सोचकर लगातार मेरे आंख से आँसू लगातार बह रहा था कि थाने में इतनी मार पड़ी पता नहीं जेल के अन्दर क्या होगा| पता नहीं हाज़ी साहब में मेरे साथ कौन सी दुश्मनी निकाली है| हम सब लोग तो उनकी बहुत इज्ज़त करते है|

जेल के अंदर जाने के बाद मुझे अजीब सी उलझन होने लगी| बस एक टक जिधर देखता उधर ही देखता रहता| एक –एक दिन पहाड़ की तरह लगने लगा| हमेशा सोचता रहता कि कब मै अपने घर जाऊंगा| दिन काटना मुश्किल हो रहा था| 24 दिन बाद जेल से 14 जनवरी, 2020 को जमानत हुयी थी लेकिन रिहाई 15 जनवरी, 2020 को हुयी|

जेल में घर से कोई मिलने जाता था तो पुलिस वाले पैसा मांगते बोलते कि तुम्हारे घर से मिलने आये है| जो पैसा मिला है उसमे से आधा हमको दो| मै मार के डर से पैसा दे देता था| जब मै कहता की साहब इतना ही पैसा है तो मेरे ऊपर यकीन न करके मेरी तलाशी ली जाती थी|

 मेरे परिवार के लोग 1 हजार रुपया जेल में दिये थे की जेल में मुझे काम न करना पड़े| इसलिए मुझसे जेल में काम नही कराया जाता था| बैरक में सोने का मन नही करता था| एक बैरक में 150 लोग होते थे| इसलिए ज्यादा दिक्कत होता था, किसी को सोने के लिए जगह भी नही मिलता था| लोग बैठकर रात गुजारते थे और झपकी ले लेकर गिरते रहते थे| मै भी बैठकर रात गुजरता|

जेल में मुझे घर के लोगो की बहुत याद आती थे| घर वालो से पता चला कि भतीजी घर में पुलिस की गाली गलौज से सदमे में आ गयी थी| मै जेल के अंदर ही सोचता रहता पता नहीं वह सही हुई होगी की नहीं|

घर आने पर पता चला कि 21 दिसंबर, 2020 की रात में पुलिस ने मेरे भाई अब्दुल सत्तर को पुलिस ने चौराहे पर ले जाकर आधार कार्ड पर नाम चेक करने के बाद जूता और डंडे से पिटाई किये थे|

मेरे भाई अब्दुल सत्तर ने कहा कि साहब मै कि मै अपने ससुर हारून हाजी का अनु हास्पिटल में लीवर का आपरेशन करा रहा था| तो कैसे मै आन्दोलन में हिंसा ले सकता हूँ| हम लोगो को नहीं पता कि किस चीज का और कहाँ आन्दोलन हो रहा था| उन्होंने अपने जेब में अस्पताल की मौजूद पर्ची को दिखाया| लेकिन पुलिस वाले उनकी कोई बात सुनने को तैयार नहीं थे| उनको लगातार मारे जा रहे थे| मेरा भाई लगातार हाँथ जोड़कर विनती कर रहा था की साहब मै नही था| उसी दौरान अजय दरोगा प्रताप यादव आ गये| दरोगा साहब बोले कि इसको छोड़ दो, हमको पता है कि इसके ससुर का आपरेशन हुआ था|

भाई को छोड़ते हुए पुलिस ने कहा कि अपने छोटे भाई अब्दुल गफ्फार उर्फ़ नसुरुद्दीन को बजरडीहा चौकी पर हाजिर कर देना| मेरा नाम सूनते ही मेरा भाई सहम गया कि पुलिस अभी मेरे साथ इतनी बदसलूकी किया है न जाने मेरे भाई के साथ क्या क्या करेंगे| मेरे भाई सिर्फ सिर हिलकर वापस चले आये|

मै चाहता हूँ की जिस तरह बिना कसूर के मुझे व मेरे भाई को फसाया गया है अब आगे से मेरे घर के किसी भी सदस्य को न फसाया जाये| इसलिए की मेरे माता –पिता वृद्ध अवस्था में है| उनके अंदर अब ये सब देख पाने की क्षमता नही है| आपको अपनी घटना बताकर बहुत हल्कापन महसूस कर रहा हूँ| किसी ने मेरी बातो को इनता ध्यान से आज तक नही सुना| जिसने सुना भी तो उसने आरोपी के नजर से देखा|


आज ऑफिस में Testimonial Therapy के अन्तर्गत सम्मान समारोह में मेरे भी आँखों में आंसू आ गए. पुलिस वही कर रही हैं, जो ब्रिटिश औपनिवेशिक हुकूमत में करती थी. पुलिस सुधार और फासीवाद का खात्मा  बहुत जरुरी है.

#bazardeeha #Varanasi #PoliceTorture 






’मैं किसी जुलुस में शामिल नही था न किसी का विरोध किया, उसके बावजूद पुलिस ने मेरी गिरफ्तारी कर मुझे बुरी तरह मारकर जेल भेज दिया’’

 


‘’मैं किसी जुलुस में शामिल नही था न किसी का विरोध किया, उसके बावजूद पुलिस ने मेरी गिरफ्तारी कर मुझे बुरी तरह मारकर जेल भेज दिया’’

मेरा नाम तजम्मुल उम्र 26 वर्ष है| मेरे पिता स्व० नुरुल हक है| मैंने कक्षा आठ तक की शिक्षा ली है| मै विवाहित हूँ मेरे दो बच्चे है बेटी तहमीना परवीन तीन वर्ष बेटा तन्जील अहमद डेढ़ वर्ष का है| मै दुसरो के पावरलूम पर बुनकरी का काम करता हूँ| मै गल्ला बजरडीहा, थाना-भेलूपुर, जिला-वाराणसी का रहने वाला हूँ|

22 दिसम्बर 2019 की रात के डेढ़ बजे थे| मै अपने कमरे में सो रहा था|  तभी मेरे घर के दरवाजा गिरने की आवाज सुनकर मै हडबडा कर उठ गया| मैंने देखा कि पांच छ: पुलिस वाले वर्दी में मेरे बड़े भाई मुमताज का नाम लेकर बुला रहे थे| उस दिन वह घर पर नही था| भाई को पुलिस क्यों पूछ रही है यह सुनकर मै अन्दर से डर गया| तभी उन पुलिस वालो ने मेरे पास आकर कहा कि तुम भी जुलुस में थे चलो| मै कुछ बोल पाता इसके पहले ही वह लोग मुझे पकड़कर घर के बाहर गली में ले जाने लगे| मैने गुजारिश की साहब कपड़ा तो पहन लेने दीजिये| उस वक़्त मै सिर्फ बनियान और पैन्ट पहना हुआ था| इस पर पुलिस वाले मुझे गंदी-गंदी गालिया देने लगे|

उसी हालत में पुलिस वाले मुझे गली के बाहर ले आये| मै ठंड से कॉप रहा था| लेकिन गली के बाहर 100 पुलिस वालो को वर्दी में देखकर डर गया था| जिधर नजर पड़ती उधर पुलिस ही पुलिस ही दिख रही थी| हर तरफ़ खौफ़ का माहौल था| सभी डर से अपने घरो में दुबके हुए थे| पुलिस ने हमे जीप में बैठाया, जिसमे पहले से ही मुहल्ले के तीन लड़के जियाउल हक, मो० नसीम और अब्दुल जब्बार उर्फ़ नसरुद्दीन बैठे थे| रास्ते भर मै यही सोच रहा था कि पुलिस हमे क्यों ले जा रही है, हमने किया क्या है| जुलुस में तो मै था ही नही| 

                  Testimony देकर सम्मानित करते हुए 

फर्जी केस में फसाना और पुलिस लॉक अप में यातना  

पुलिस हम सभी को मडुआडीह थाने ले गयी और लाकअप में बंद कर दिया| लाकअप में पहले से एक आदमी मौजूद था| लाकअप में बहुत अजीब लग रहा था| अन्दर से बहुत घबराहट हो रही थी, सोच रहा था कि हम कहा आ गये| लाकअप  बहुत गंदा था पेशाब पैखाना की बदबू आ रही थी| समझ में नही आ रहा था कि कहा बैठे| तभी ओढने के लिए हमे कम्बल दिया गया| ठंड इतनी ज्यादा थी पूरा बदन कांप रहा था| कम्बल ओढ़ने के लिए उठाया तो उसमे अजीब सी महक आ रही थी| किसी तरह रात गुजारा| रात भर हम रोते रहे घर की बहुत याद आ रही थी| वह रात इतनी लम्बी थी खत्म होने का नाम नही लेती|

सुबह हुआ हम इसी इन्तेजार में थे हमे लाकअप से बाहर निकाला जायेगा| लेकिन ऐसा नही हुआ हमें अंदर ही रखा गया| हम भूखे प्यासे लाकअप का दरवाजा निहारते रहे| दोपहर बीत गया हमे एक कप चाय और पानी नसीब नही हुआ|

घर वालो को मालूम नही था कि पुलिस वाले हमे कहा ले आये है| कुछ खाने का मन नही कर रहा था| लेकिन सुबह से बिना खाए पिए पेट और सिर में दर्द होने लगा था| जब भी हम दरवाजे पर जाकर कुछ खाने पिने के लिए मागते तो बोलते घबराओ मत आ रहा है| लगभग तीन बजे तक हम बिना खाना पानी के रहे| उसके बाद उसी हालत में हमे लाकअप से निकालकर भेलूपुर थाने ले गये| थाने में पुलिस मोबाईल में फोटो दिखाकर पहचान करा रही थी| उसमे से मै किसी को जानता नही था| मैंने बोला साहब मै इन सबको नही जानता|

इसके बाद पुलिस वाले मुझे थाने में पीछे की ओर ले गये | बाथरूम की दीवाल की ओर मेरा मुहँ चिपकाकर मेरे दोनो हाथो को दो-दो सिपाही पकड़कर पीछे से तीन चार पुलिस वाले राड से मेरे दोनों बटक और घुटने पर बारी-बारी मारने लगे| मुझे बहुत दर्द हो रहा था| मै चिल्ला रहा था| बोले कितना भैसा खाए हो| मिया को जितना मारो इनके आँख से आसू नही आता यह सुनकर मुझे बहुत तकलीफ हो रही थी| वह बेरहमो की तरह मार रहे थे| 25 - 26 स्टिक मारने के बाद मैने एक उम्र दराज पुलिस वाले से गिडगिडाया छोड़ दीजिये आप मेरे पिता के सामान है| इस पर वह मेरे गा्ल पर तेज झापड़ मारा मै चौधिया सा गया| अपने आपको संभालता हुआ फ़िर खड़ा हुआ| शरीर में ताकत नही थी| बस यही सोच रहा था कि सुबह से पुलिस वालो ने खाने को नही दिया| बदन में जो ताकत थी उसे मारकर निकाल लिया| उस समय मै चल भी नहीं पा रहा था बहुत तकलीफ हो रही थी|

उसी हालत में बगल के सरकारी अस्पताल ले जाकर मेडिकल मुआयना कराया| जहा पुलिस ने मारा था वहा रिपोर्ट में लिखा जा रहा था की भाग दौड़ में हल्की फुल्की चोट आयी है| यह सुनकर अफ़सोस हो रहा था| यह लोग हम बेगुनाहों के साथ ऐसा क्यों कर रहे है| वहा से बाहर लाकर दुकान पर हमें दो-दो समोसा खिलाया गया| उस समय मै बैठ नही पा रहा था| बहुत दर्द हो रहा था|

जिला जेल वाराणसी में यातना और भ्रस्टाचार:  

वहा से कचहरी ले गये और साईंन कराकर चौकाघाट जेल भेजा गया| यह सब इतना खौफनाक था कि जिसे मै जीते जी नही भूल सकता| लगभग साढ़े सात बजे हमे जेल के अंदर ले जाने लगे| उस वक्त जेल में जाने में रूह काप रही थी मैंने कभी सोचा नही था यह दिन भी देखना पड़ेगा|

जेल के 10 नम्बर बैरक में डाल दिया गया| बहुत अजीब लग रहा था उसमे 100 के करीब लोग थे| घर की याद आ रही थी| तभी खाना लेने की आवाज आयी खाना लेने गया| जिसमें मोटी-मोटी पांच छ: रोटिया पतली दाल और मोटे चावल और बिना तेल की सब्जी मिली| खाना है उसके बारे में कुछ नही बोल सकता  लेकिन खाना देखकर अजीब लग रहा था| भूखा इन्सान भी ऐसा खाना देखकर छोड़ दे| उसमे से थोड़ा बहुत खाकर लोगो के पैताने सिकुड़ कर रात गुजारी| रात भर आँख नही लगी दर्द में तड़पता रहा|पुलिस ने जहा मारा था पूरा स्याह पढ़ गया था| घर वालो की याद आ रही थी| पता नही उन्हें हमारे बारे में पता है की नही बीबी बच्चे कैसे होगे| सुबह हुई पानी की तरह चाय और भीगा चना दिया गया| मुझे झाड़ू लगाने का काम सौपा गया| जब भी चल रहा था तो मुझे दर्द होता इसके बावजूद मै रोज बैरक में सुबह शाम झाड़ू लगाता|

दो दिन बीतने के बाद मेरा भाई जेल में मुझसे मिलने आया| वह बताने लगा की हम लोग सुबह से ही भेलूपुर थाने का चक्कर काट रहे थे| लेकिन तुम्हारा कुछ पता नही चला| शाम को पुलिस तुम्हे ले जा रही थी तो हमने तुम्हे देखा लेकिन मै मजबूर था अगर मै वहा आता तो पुलिस मुझे भी बंद कर देती| मै उसकी यह बात सुनकर रोने लगा घर वालो का हाल पूछा मेरे आने के बाद माँ की हालत और बिगड़ गयी बीवी का रो-रो कर बुरा हाल था| यह सब सुनकर उलझन होने लगा और मिलाई का टाईम खत्म हो गया| मै वापस जेल के अंदर जाने लगा गेट के अंदर जाने के लिए सिपाही ने मुझसे 10 रुपया माँगा|

मै बोला पैसा नही है इस पर वह मुझे घुर कर देखने लगा| मै उस समय समझ नही पाया| जब बैरक के अंदर गया तो सिपाही मुझे बैरक में जाने के लिए 200 रुपया मांगे मैंने कहा नही है इस पर उन लोगो ने हमारी तलाशी ली और छ सात डंडा फिर से मेरे बटक पर मारने लगे वहा मुझे पहले से तकलीफ थी| उनका एक-एक डंडा चुभ रहा था मारने के बाद बोले चलो झाड़ू लगाओ| मुझे बहुत बुरा लगा| यह कैसा सितम है हम गरीब बुनकर लोग है| पेट बहुत मुश्किल से चलता है| हम इनकी मांग को कहा पूरा कर पाएंगे| जेल में जिसके पास पैसा नही है उसे यह लोग परेशान करते|

दूसरी बार भाई जब मिलने आया तो मैंने उससे कहा कुछ पैसा है तो दे दो नही तो फिर मार खाना पड़ेगा| यह सुनकर उसके जेब में जो कुछ भी था उसने दिया| मै जेल के अंदर गया उन लोगो ने पैसा माँगा मैंने उन्हें दिया| जेल में यही फ़िक्र लगी थी कैसे सब होगा हम बाहर कैसे आयेंगे| दिन रात इसी के बारे में सोचता रहता|

मुझे काम न करना पढ़े करीब दस दिन बाद घर वालो ने कर्ज लेकर पैसा भेजा यह देखकर बहुत तकलीफ हुई| 1000 रुपया जेल में जमाकर बैठकी की| मुझे इस बात का अफ़सोस था जब कोई मिलने आता तो बैरक में जाने के लिए पैसा देना पड़ता| मैंने दो बार पैसा नही दिया तो मुझे मारकर मुझसे झाड़ू लगवाया गया|

पुलिस ने मुझ पर गम्भीर धारा लगाकर देशद्रोह का मुकदमा दर्ज किया है| जबकि  मुझे नही मालूम है की यह आरोप मुझ पर क्यों लगाया गया है उस दिन मै जुलुस में शामिल नही था| मै आकिफ भाई के पावरलूम पर काम कर घर वापस जा रहा था| रास्ते में कुछ भीड़ थी मुझे नही मालूम वहा क्या हो रहा है|यह लोग किस चीज का विरोध कर रहे थे| उसके बाद भी मै रोज अपने काम पर जाता | मैंने किसी का विरोध नही किया| उसके बावजूद मै 25 दिन तक जेल में रहा| घर वाले गरीब थे मानवाधिकार जननिगरानी समिति की लिखा पढ़ी और कुछ जिम्मेदार लोगो ने चंदा इकट्ठा कर 25 दिन बाद जमानत पर रिहा करवाया| मै घर आया और परिवार के लोगो को देखकर खुशी मिली उसके लिए मेरे पास अल्फाज नही है| मै उन सभी का शुक्रगुजार हूँ जिन्होंने हमारी मदद की|

लेकिन अभी भी वह सब याद करता हूँ तो अजीब सी घबराहट होती है| एक डर सा बैठ गया है पुलिस फिर न उठा ले जाय| रात भर इसी घबराहट से नीद नही आती है| घर वालो की फ़िक्र लगी रहती है| मेरे जेल से छुटने के कुछ दिन बाद मेरे बड़े भाई का इन्तेकाल हो गया| वह टी वी के मरीज थे | हम लोगो ने पेट काटकर उनका बहुत इलाज करवाया लेकिन उनकी जान नही बच पायी| अम्मी भी अक्सर बीमार रहती है| मेरे जेल जाने के बाद वह और फिक्र मंद हो गयी है|

मै चाहता हूँ कि मुझ पर जो भी बेबुनियाद गम्भीर आरोप लगा है उनसे मुझे निजात मिले जिससे मेरे और परिवार के साथ न्याय हो सके|  



                     तजम्मुल के साथ लेनिन रघुवंशी ऑफिस में 

आज ऑफिस में Testimonial Therapy के अन्तर्गत सम्मान समारोह में मेरे भी आँखों में आंसू आ गए. पुलिस वही कर रही हैं, जो ब्रिटिश औपनिवेशिक हुकूमत में करती थी. पुलिस सुधार और फासीवाद का खात्मा  बहुत जरुरी है.

#bazardeeha #Varanasi #PoliceTorture 

 

Tuesday, September 08, 2020

One Hundred Thousands (one lac) Indian rupees compensation to victims family

 The case relates to the complainant of Dr. Lenin Raghuvansh who has sought intervention of the Commission towards the case of one Ram Jatan Banvasi, aged 48, who came in contact with a 11 KV electric wire in village Mardapur, District Ghazipur, Uttar Pradesh on 21.07.2011 and sustained injuries.


Vide proceeding dated 25.11.2019, the Commission has observed and directed as under:-

“The Chief Secretary, Government of Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, has not filed the requisite report despite being asked by the Commission vide letter dated 22.04.2019.

Therefore, the Registry to issue a reminder to the Chief Secretary, Government of Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, for filing of the compliance report alongwith proof of payment, within six weeks positively, failing which the Commission shall be constrained to excise its coercive power U/S 13 of Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993.

Registry to send the copy of the proceedings dated 27.03.2019 to the aforesaid authority for his information and filing of requisite report.”

Pursuant to the directions of the Commission, the Principal Secretary, Government of Uttar Pradesh, has filed his report dated 27.1.2020 with the copy of the report of the Director, Uttar Pradesh, Power Corporation Limited dated 23.1.2020 along with copy of the cheque and along with other annexures. The report reveals that the compensation of Rs. One lakh has been paid to Shri Ram Jatan Banvasi vide cheque no. 0888691 dated 20.1.2020 vide RTGS in his account no. 346602011006790. Shri Ram Jatan Banvasi has also filed an affidavit acknowledging the receipt.

The Commission has considered the report.

Since the directions of the Commission regarding payment of compensation of Rs. One lakh to the victim Ram Jatan Banvasi, has been complied ith, the Commission do not have any reason to disbelieve of the report of the public authority, therefore no further intervention of the Commission is required and the case is closed.

Case / File No : 30373/24/32/2011

Thursday, September 03, 2020

You have created lots of trouble for police by filing cases against us

 The Special Rapporteur notes with concern further failures of law enforcement authorities to adequately register complaints made by human rights defenders who have been victims of attacks or harassment and to provide adequate protection measures for those at risk of violence as a result of their important work. On 26 April 2018, Mr. Lenin Raghuvanshi was violently assaulted and verbally abused by police while visiting a police station to enquire as to why no First Information Report (FIR) was filed after an attack on his brother. The police officers who assaulted him told him “you have created lots of trouble for police  by filing cases against us”. When he tried to report this attack in a different police station, he was told simply to go home. Similarly, Mr. Okram Nutankumar experienced difficulties in registering an FIR after shots were fired at his house. In April 2018, human rights defender Ms. Rana Ayyub became the subject of a particularly serious smear campaign, as a result of which she received death threats. The allegations contained in the smear campaign were moreover repeated by at least one member of India’s ruling party. Despite filing a criminal complaint on 26 April 2018, it took 10 days for authorities to begin their investigation, while authorities failed to provide her any protection during the interim. In another instance, Mr. Sunil Kumar received death threats outside Agra Court, after testifying in a case related to human trafficking. Despite providing police with information about the threats he received, including a description of the harassers, no complaint was filed. The Special Rapporteur urges the Government to ensure that human rights defenders are provided with adequate protection against the risks they face as a result of their peaceful and legitimate work and remind the State that it bears a responsibility to ensure the safety of human rights defenders as they continue their work.

Above mentioned in report of Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders at point number of 351:

https://undocs.org/pdf?symbol=en/A/HRC/40/60/ADD.1

Silent revolution is going on at grass roots of India

 http://twocircles.net/2012nov15/silent_revolution_going_grass_roots_india.html

Silent revolution is going on at grass roots of India

Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi,

India is a huge country in South Asia. It is the seventh largest in terms of land area but the second largest in terms of population. It has 1.2 billion people and the most populous democracy in the world. Owing to its diversity as a country and its societies, it has a secular image and considered to be a very inclusive society — multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-linguistic and multi-cultural society. The country has projected a 9% development index but can be considered far worse than the Sub-Saharan countries due to its failure to address the malnutrition and starvation in many parts of the country.

Considering its vast geography and population, India remains to be divided, discriminating and intolerant even to its own citizenry and among fellow citizens. Marginalization continues to punctuate as the most significant problem in the whole of Indian society affecting major sections of the population such as caste, the Muslims, and various ethnic groups, including the vulnerable ones such as women, children, and the elderly.The caste hierarchy has divided and separated Indian society for decades. Despite several laws and Constitutional guarantees, caste lines and caste discrimination became the defining situation in India. It is reflected across societal spectrum and so evident that it identifies the great inequalities of caste based practice in the whole society.

Caste is the final and ultimate indicator of everything that is happening in India. The caste based discrimination is reflected in both the private and public life of the Indian people. Its influence radiates in politics, administration, including the economic growth of the country. It thus affect the high percentage of the population of the country and is actually practiced in the educational system, places of work, in villages and districts and even in courts of justice. The most dehumanizing impact of the caste based discrimination is starvation and malnutrition.

The Dalit peoples continued to experience discrimination, exploitation and oppression as this is sustained by the corrupt criminal justice delivery mechanism in the country. This is very evident in the context of Uttar Pradesh where PVCHR is mainly operating its programs and projects. In this state, policing suffers from impunity and police officers enjoy the corrupt practices at the expense of the most marginalized section of the population not only in this state but in other parts of the country.

Torture and police atrocities further aggravate the already dire poverty situation and marginalization of the downtrodden people in majority of the villages in different parts of the country. Torture normally happens in the rural areas, in the far-flung villages of the country where Dalits, the lower caste and the minority people could not effectively fight for their rights. They are the primary targets and victims of torture by the police. Without awareness yet of their rights, these marginalized peoples suffer in silence and brokenness.

Torture and organised violence against the marginalised remains an entrenched and often routine law-enforcement strategy, despite India‘s status as the world‘s largest democracy. Dalits, Adivasis and other backward caste face atrocities and discrimination in all spheres of life. It verifies in the data collection of 361 survivors in the project under Rehabilitation and Research Centre for Torture Victims (RCT) and People‘s Vigilance Committee for Human Rights (PVCHR), in which 89% of survivors belong to schedule caste, indigenous group and other backward classes (OBC). Considerable physical violence is inflicted on members of these deprived and marginalised communities as substantiated by official reports. Policing, far from being the professional imposition of a coherent moral consensus on society‘ is an intensely political activity with policemen often facilitating and participating in the violence not just against these two communities but against minorities, other weaker sections and women.

Police routinely fail to register cases under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, which criminalises acts of violence and intimidation against members of scheduled castes and tribes that are committed by non-members. The Act carries greater sentences for offences already criminalised under the Indian Penal Code, such as murder and rape. According to Justice Ramaswamy, former Supreme Court judge and member of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), police register complaints as Code offences instead of Act offences so high-caste perpetrators do not face the higher sentences imposed by the Act 144 Another police tactic is to register complaints of serious crimes under the Act‘s provision criminalising insults and intimidation, which carries a lesser sentence.

Adivasis tortured by Orissa police in so-called anti-Maoist operation

There is a general impression, that poor dalits and tribals are not only do menial work in the society they also form the major source of churning anti-socials and criminals. Unfortunately, a culture of silence has permeated in the society historically. The privileged people mostly believe and have made the state believe that they cannot go wrong. That is why one finds most of the custodial torture, and violence and death are committed against marginalised and deprived caste. Many dalits are tortured and subjected to humiliation and degrading treatment in public like garlanded with slippers and sandal, colouring black and white and riding over ass etc. So they have the divine right to use and abuse or discriminate against the dalits, tribals and other backward castes. Indian Police learnt from practice of caste system of demoralisation and community punishment. Demoralising the lower caste is very common with a view to make them silence, so that they cannot raise their voice. When a person from upper caste commits crime, after trial the person is punished. However when it comes to the lower caste the entire community is punished. This punishment is not from court of law, but from the upper caste and the police provide its sound support in implementing punishment to lower caste.

The refusal of the police to investigate a case of caste discrimination is common and they failed to register cases under Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The SC/ST Act meant to ensure proper investigation by a high ranking police official within thirty days is rarely adhered to. As a consequence the accused moves out of the jail. Sometimes, different Human Rights Institutions like NHRC and National Commission on Schedule Caste are working as champion against above mentioned misdeed

Reluctance on the part of the police to register and investigate crime makes the victim much more vulnerable. Police assumes that the victims cannot fight case for long and above all cannot pay bribe. By the time the victims fulfils either or both the conditions, evidence are destroyed or leading to ―go cold, which ultimately makes prosecution unlikely. Poor crime victims are also likely to be able to call local influential figure to intervene with police on their behalf, while their perpetrator may have police protection due to political connections.

Minorities bear the brunt of the Communal Violence:

India‘s secular character provides the freedom to all the countrymen to choose their own religion, a right provided in the Article14, 15 and 16 of the Constitution. It also ensures that the state cannot discriminate on the basis of religion. However, in reality, things are different. The marginalisation of the

Muslim community, the largest among the minority groups is complete. This has been corroborated by the Prime Minister‘s High-Level Committees on Minorities in 2006, headed by Justice (Retd.) Rajinder Sachar. Discrimination is compounded by hatred against Muslims has been initiated and spread by right wing fundamentalist Hindu groups under the patronage of a Bharatiya Janata Party resulted in riots. Bhagalpur (1989), Bombay (1992-93) and Gujarat (2002) riots exposed the biased perception of police towards Muslims. Several committees investigating the riot cases have confirmed the dubious role of the police and other state apparatus.

Widespread torture of the Indian police over the minorities

The youth and the poor, perceived primarily as trouble making, violent groups were harassed and booked under draconian laws like Terrorism and Disruption Act (TADA) and Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) which provides sweeping power to security agency and completely denies civil and political right to the victim. Denial of access to justice is the single most important factor that alienates the Muslim and other minority, Dalit and tribal community from the mainstream. Seldom have human rights institutions and National Commission for Minorities, primarily constituted to address the violation of rights of the minorities have lived up to its constitutional mandate. The situation is characterised by a relative vacuum insofar as the issues of police torture or protection of human rights are concerned.

In the report released in June 2012 report by Tata Institute of social sciences, the observation is that 36% of the jail inmates in Maharashtra are Muslims while the population of Muslims in state is close to 10.6%. The report was sponsored by the Maharashtra States‘ Minorities Panel. The findings of the report are in conformity with the Sachar Committee report and general observation of Human rights activists. Most of the arrests of Muslim youth are prompted by the prevalent stereotype of Muslims are criminals, terrorists‘. These stereotypes are highly prevalent not only in society but also amongst the bureaucracy, particularly the police and amongst intelligence agencies. Many in the police force are totally in the grip of communal thinking and with their infinite power they unleash themselves against the Muslim youth at every conceivable opportunity. The rise of communalisation of society and more particularly after the coming up of the terrorism of Al Qaeda variety, the stereotypes about Muslims have worsened. One recalls that this type of terrorism was subtly brought up by United States for pursuing its goal of controlling the oil wealth. The attitude of authorities has become more anti minority and this in turn has undermined their professionalism and they are guided more by their biases than by the rules of law.

In Gujarat police colluded with Hindu mobs in killing and rampaging

There are multiple reasons for the Muslim youth being targeted by the state authorities. True, that some Muslim youth have fallen prey to the illegal activities due to the abject poverty which they have to suffer. Still the major reason for their being indiscriminately arrested by the police relates to the misconception regarding acts of terrorism and communal violence.

The attitude of police remains as biased as before and in the day to day life they display this partisan behaviour. This biased attitude of state machinery, police and intelligence authorities in the main, has been ruining the life and careers of many a Muslim youth. The feeling of insecurity amongst the community as a whole is on the rise. This feeling of insecurity is crippling the possible growth of the community. Those implicated in such acts are also boycotted by the community and have faced immense personal, social and economic losses. It is time that the Human rights groups intensify their campaign to protect the innocent Muslim youth, the legal measures need to be strengthened whereby the police cannot exercise its biased attitude in arresting any Muslim youth. Measures are needed to ensure that police-intelligence agencies takes up more professional attitude overall and more particularly in the matters related to minority youth. The Government needs to wake up and apply the correcting measures Thus, in the context of the minority community, the key areas which need to be addressed are:

a) While raising the issues of police torture and organised violence, there is a scant support. Palpable reluctance is observed among the Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) to work within the community where “culture of silence‘ against perpetrators prevails and a threat of Hindu fascism looms large. PVCHR developed their programme for Muslim which focused on breaking the barriers of silence within the community and activating the state against the perpetrators;

b) Ignorance among majority of the victims on how to approach the National Commission for Minorities and avail the benefits like free legal-aid. No one ever monitors whether these facilities are ever used by the target groups or not;

c) HRDs are lesser equipped with the information for monitoring national laws, international human rights instruments and mechanisms useful for crisis management;

d) No networking among local human rights organisations coupled with absence of an active civil society groups fails to create a need-based campaign for legislative advocacy even among their elected community representatives;

e) Resource crunch, notably materials, which greatly undermines the effectiveness of the work of human rights defenders

Patriarchy reinforces by abusing, battering and discriminating women:

Most women in India suffer directly or indirectly by the existing patriarchal structure of the society. They become either primary or secondary victims in all kinds of torture. In the RCT – PVCHR collaboration 27.64% women facing torture and organized violence were psychologically supported through testimonial therapy. In fact, Uttar Pradesh remains at the highest position on crime against women primarily due to rape, torture for dowry and harassment against women.

Discriminatory and organised violence against women includes domestic violence, dowry linked violence, sexual assault and sexual harassment. All this are indicative of the extent of the problem and proves that human rights initiative in India lacks gender perspective of Torture and Organised Violence. #Dalits are considered untouchable in Indian society, yet rape of dalit women is not considered forbidden by the upper caste, in fact, the later uses rape as an instrument of continuous subjugation. #Dalit women bear a triple burden; discrimination and exploitation based on caste, class and gender. Women are also victim of violence by securities forces and armed opposition groups, traditional justice delivery system like Caste panchayat or Khaap panchayat, which imposes its writ through social boycotts and fines and in most cases end up either killing or forcing the victims to commit suicide. Discriminatory attitudes and lack of sensitisation to the dynamics of crimes involving sexual or domestic violence leave victims without critical police aid or redress to which they are entitled.

Domestic violence continues unabated…..

The police attitude that domestic violence is primarily of private nature is the most unfortunate trivialisation of a grave social evil, that too when the police is empowered to arrest the perpetrator without a warrant. 6 The protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 was enacted to augment women‘s immediate protection from violence through emergency relief, including access to temporary protection order and domestic violence shelters.But lawyers and activists says that due to poor implementation of law, women facing imminent and life threatening violence remain hostage to police attitude. This attitude of the police perhaps stems from its traditional legacy of ‘rule of lords‘the same like its colonial masters. This is the common bonding between the police and the rural kulaks in India which do not believe in the concept of welfare state.

Impunity in the Indian Police:

Indian police and security officials who commit torture or inflict other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment have long enjoyed impunity for their actions. Several provisions within the Indian Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) and various national security related laws provide immunity to these officials. Section 197 of the CrPC allows for all-encompassing immunity by providing that the Central or State Government in question must grant sanction for the prosecution of any Government official or member of the armed forces alleged to have committed a criminal offence ―while acting or purporting to act within the discharge of his official duty. The Supreme Court has upheld this provision 9 and has stated that even those who abuse their power are considered to be ―acting or purporting to act in their official position and thus enjoy immunity. 10 Other examples of immunity provisions in the CrPC include section 45(1), which specifically protects members of the armed forces from arrest without prior sanction for acts purportedly committed during official duty 11 and Section 132(1), which protects police, armed forces, and even civilians who engage in activities to help disperse crowds from prosecution without prior sanction. Similarly with respect to national security legislation, the infamous Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) provides immunity from prosecution barring government sanction for armed forces personnel purporting to act in the exercise of their powers, even while granting vast powers to, for instance, shoot and kill.

Indian police enjoys impunity

The insensitivity of the Judiciary and Human Rights Institutions makes it extremely culpable in contributing to impunity that persists and aggravates the problem. Evidence indicates that the poor are increasingly being criminalised. The limitation of the enforceable power of the National Human Rights Commission (#NHRC) has been a matter of concern for everyone.

Extrajudicial Killing:

Police usually commit extrajudicial killing with impunity. Media and NGOs have documented hundreds of such killings but their efforts at accountability have been hampered by systematic police deniability. The absence of records, including in many cases a post-mortem examination or registry of arrest and detention, makes it very difficult to disprove the police‘s account. Independent investigations are critical to reducing impunity, but despite the presence of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and their state counterparts, they are rare in much of India. Police investigations, either initiated by police or undertaken at the direction of external agencies, are often ineffective due to a ―code of silence that makes police unlikely to disclose incriminating evidence.

Police commit extrajudicial killing with impunity

In the absence of an independent investigation, officers who issue illegal orders or pressure subordinates to carry out abuses can lay the blame exclusively on their subordinates. Criminal prosecution has the potential to check police abuse, but victims often do not file cases because they fear police retaliation. Another major obstacle is section 197 of the Criminal Procedure Code, which provides immunity from prosecution to all public officials unless the government approves the prosecution.

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has the authority to recommend an independent investigation either by another division of the local police or by the Central Bureau of Investigation, but this often results in the police effectively investigating it. Even where this is done with integrity, the process does not have the appearance of independence and impartiality in lack of rule of procedure on basis of International Human Rights standards, leaving victims and families suspicious of the process.

But injustice and exploitation of the people cannot always proceed smoothly unscathed. Small steps for justice can accumulate and result in qualitative change in due time.

The contextual adaptation of the testimonial therapy in the country is truly effective. It has empowered the survivors’ well-being (Agger, et al). As the survivors gained control after converting the traumatic event to a story of survival and share it to the public through an honour ceremony, it then provided support for the survivors’ search for truth and meaning. The survivors gained empowerment when they have reclaimed their voice by becoming advocates/defenders for those who are still in pain and suffering.

PVCHR has utilized the Danish concept of ‘folk school’ for the purpose of the community in terms of awareness building, capacitating the different sections of the population of the community including women, children and young people. The TT served as a bridge for the healing (psychological component) and justice (the legal component) in line with advocacy.

The ‘folk school’ in the Indian context has served as a forum where the marginalized peoples like Dalits, the Mushars, and the Muslims meet, where they are treated equally and could freely voice their problems and concerns. The ‘folk school’ helps to improve equality by improving the capacity of the marginalized peoples to speak. In the short but intense process of the school, they can speak without fear and without the threat of humiliation. In said process also, they are able to create a two-way discourse in the society wherein the so-called weak are brought to social discourse. The more silent the poor and the weak are, the less they get from society.

For example, in creating a discourse on justice and human rights issues related to caste discrimination, it is very important to accumulate information and protect the efforts in documentation.[ii]

Mohammad Aamir Khan was released from prison, after fourteen years of incarceration remaining innocent all throughout, PVCHR recognized and honoured his courage and conviction in a ceremony where the organization provided him with an amount of money for his mother’s treatment. His mother got sick due to his prolonged imprisonment and his father died also while working for his release. This is what he had to say about his experience:

‘Despite what happened to me, how can I be against my country? I am proud of the Constitution of India. Its democracy and human dignity serves as my inspiration. As a human rights defender now, I will work with the grassroots, create awareness among them and uphold human dignity. He is grateful to PVCHR for the help and he would want to serve as a uniting factor for the Muslim people. It is along this direction that he wanted to work in partnership with PVCHR.’

Rightly Nobel Peace laureate Archbishop Destmond Tutu says”If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality.”

Lenin Raghuvanshi is a founding member of People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), which works for the upliftment of the marginalised sections of the society